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How a surge in police force against demonstrators collided with last summer’s protests.
Part of the Recovery Issue of The Highlight, our home for ambitious stories that explain our world.
This story contains detailed depictions of violence against protesters that may be disturbing to some readers.
When 21-year-old Louisville, Kentucky, activist Cheyenne Osuala was violently arrested at a protest in July 2020, she tried to get the whole thing on video. An officer grabbed her, slammed her up against a wall, and started pulling the handcuff so far behind her back that her wrist fractured. As he tugged her arm further and further, she remembers screaming, standing on her toes to try to relieve the pain.
She dropped her phone during the attack, but shaky footage from a bystander shows the officer pushing her face-first against the wall while other protesters scream for her release.
Osuala said she was gathered with a small group of protesters outside of a parking garage when she noticed plainclothed men on the roof shooting pepper balls down at the people gathered below. Concerned that the men could be counterprotesters looking to harm their group, Osuala and other protesters asked Louisville police officers to confirm if the men on the roof were police. Osuala says the officers told them they weren’t aware of anyone currently stationed at the top of the parking garage, so they headed up to find out who the men were — and why they were firing at a peaceful crowd.
That’s when, she said, officers followed them into the parking garage, blocked them from leaving, and arrested her, breaking her wrist in the process. She was later charged with criminal trespassing and disorderly conduct, although both charges were later dismissed by a judge.
Osuala filed a complaint with the Louisville Metro Police Department but received no response. She later filed a lawsuit, alleging that she was wrongfully arrested and assaulted by the department’s officers, and this spring, the Justice Department separately opened an investigation into the Louisville department’s practices, including use of force against protesters. (Louisville police did not respond to requests for comment.)
Osuala said she can recall the experience in excruciating detail, but said that she still won’t go back and watch the video. “It was too traumatizing,” she said.
The broken wrist and resulting nerve damage eventually healed, but in the months that followed, she was left feeling powerless. “I still remember feeling his weight on top of me. He was so much bigger,” she said. “It felt like a power trip. He wanted to hurt me, and I couldn’t do anything.”
In uprisings last summer that drew tens of millions across the country — an unprecedented number — protesters called for an end to police brutality. Amid the mostly peaceful protests, some demonstrations, many spurred by the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd in May 2020, were marked by incidents of police violence. In the first two weeks of demonstrations, more than 10,000 people were arrested. The total today sits at more than 17,000, according to the Washington Post. Most arrests were for low-level offenses, such as curfew violations or failure to follow dispersal orders.
At the height of the protests that June, police were repeatedly recorded using force, many of them punching, kicking, or shoving protesters. One criminal defense lawyer collected nearly 300 videos documenting police violence across the country. Among these videos were incidents where officers beat unarmed protesters in Las Vegas, fired tear gas canisters into a crowd in Dallas, and pepper-sprayed peaceful protesters in Columbus, Ohio.
One video showed officers in riot gear in Buffalo, New York, shoving a 75-year-old man to the ground, leaving him unconscious and bleeding on the sidewalk. In New York City, an officer was caught on camera violently shoving a woman to the ground. Another video shows a group of officers beating protesters with batons in Philadelphia.
Some departments also reportedly used rubber bullets and tear gas as a form of crowd control. In Fort Lauderdale, Florida, reporters filmed an officer shooting a protester in the head with a foam bullet, fracturing her eye socket. In one of the most controversial and widely shared incidents, police used tear gas to disperse peaceful protesters outside the White House in Washington, DC, to allow for President Donald Trump’s photo session outside of a church.
After protesters were arrested en masse, for some, the physical trauma was immediate. Explosive imagery from some protests shows people bleeding from projectiles, choking on tear gas, or left with swollen wrists after being detained for hours. In the face of an increasingly militarized police force — armored vehicles, military-grade riot gear, flash grenades, sound cannons, and tear gas canisters — protesters were left reeling from violence that felt like it belonged on a battlefield.
In the aftermath of the uprisings, another kind of pain lingers. While their physical wounds may have long since healed, some protesters, like Osuala, said they have been left with deep psychological scars that remain open and raw.
“I feel like we’ve all been through the war,” Osuala said. “All the people who have really been out there from the beginning and have stayed out there consistently — we all have PTSD.”
Vox spoke with several protesters about the lingering effects of last summer’s protests. Now that much of the attention on the George Floyd protests has faded, Osuala and protesters like her say they’re left wondering how to put the pieces back together when it feels like the rest of the world has moved on.
Since the protests began last summer, some therapists, including a few Vox spoke with, have reported an influx of patients experiencing hypervigilance, anxiety, panic, and nightmares from their involvement in the demonstrations.
Licensed psychotherapist Cheryl Ades has seen a spike in the number of people coming to her practice with protest-related trauma. “The level of PTSD is going to be extreme,” said Ades, who works with protesters as a part of the network Therapists for Protester Wellness in Louisville. “It might not hit for a while — a few months, a year, five years — but it’s going to come down on people sooner or later.”
Months after the demonstrations, dozens of evaluations of police departments across the country exposed the full scope of the violent response. These reviews found that officers behaved aggressively and used crowd-control munitions indiscriminately against largely peaceful demonstrators. Their tactics, the reports found, often escalated violence instead of defusing it.
These findings were the culmination of a broader shift in American policing, said Jennifer Earl, a sociology professor at the University of Arizona and an expert on policing tactics.
From the civil rights movement in the 1960s to last summer’s protests, police departments using military-grade riot gear have increasingly become the norm in American cities. In part due to the Pentagon’s 1033 program, which allows law enforcement agencies to receive military hardware, American police departments have access to a wide arsenal of such equipment. From 1998 to 2014, the value of military equipment sent to police departments shot up from $9.4 million to $796.8 million.
“The access to militarized equipment means they’re approaching the protests in a different way — with a sort of warrior mentality,” said Earl.
As the police response becomes more militarized, so do the tactics of protesters on the ground. “It contributes to the feeling of protests as a war zone,” says Dana R. Fisher, a professor of sociology at the University of Maryland who studies social movements in the US. “If you tear-gas people in the streets, they’re not going to go home and say they’re not going to go out again. What happens is that everybody goes home and comes out with gas masks and with helmets, leaf blowers, and umbrellas.”
Experts say that decades of research have led to a similar conclusion: Escalating force leads to more violence, not less. Police wearing riot gear and deploying military-style weapons is more likely to lead to the same kind of violence they were supposed to prevent.
Increased violence also leads to increased emotional trauma. A report by the nonprofit Don’t Shoot Portland in 2020 noted that experiencing or witnessing violence in a protest setting was linked in recent research to post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and anxiety.
For some Black protesters, the trauma of violence experienced on the ground is only intensified by the ancestral trauma of centuries of oppression, experts say. “It’s personal,” says Jennifer Mullan, a psychologist whose Decolonizing Therapy business provides resources for therapists to address inequities in the mental health industry. “It’s tied to your liberation and the liberation of your people. This is something that many people of color have been experiencing our entire lives. These communities are already in a heightened state of trauma. It just amplifies the trauma of protest.”
Cory, a community activist from Los Angeles who is being identified only by his first name due to safety concerns, says protesting is just another part of survival. “[Being a Black person is] like trauma upon trauma. I’m literally fighting against these people who could kill me during a traffic stop. There’s so much more invested for me.”
More than a year after her arrest in June 2020, 20-year-old Judith Velasquez finds herself trapped in a recurring flashback. When she closes her eyes, she’s back on the police bus in Los Angeles, packed alongside dozens of other protesters, her hands cuffed. It’s completely dark; the only light comes from faded street lamps seen through the reinforced glass windows. She can barely make out the silhouettes of those around her.
“I was terrified,” Velasquez said about the several hours she spent on the bus after being arrested for breaking curfew. “We were completely vulnerable in the dark, just waiting for them to do something.”
All the while, she said, people were screaming and pleading to be released. Some were shaking uncontrollably. According to Velasquez, one protester urinated on her seat after hours without access to a bathroom.
Every time Velasquez sees a police car — a regular presence in her working-class Latino community in Los Angeles — she freezes. “I see the red, white, and blue lights, and it takes me back,” she says. “I start shaking so hard. Because I remember how there was nobody to protect us. They could do anything to me.”
Like Velasquez, Cory says he has signs of PTSD. Difficulty sleeping, distressed by loud noises, nightmares, flashbacks.
Months after the George Floyd protests in Los Angeles, Cory found himself on the streets again to protest Dijon Kizzee’s fatal shooting by the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department.
On the first night of protests in September 2020, he was heading toward the front lines when there was a sudden shift in the air — he turned around to look at the line of officers, looked back at the crowd, and then, he says, there were rubber bullets flying all around him. He started running, diving behind a box truck for cover while the officers continued to fire at him. There was so much tear gas on the streets around him that he couldn’t breathe. (Vox has corroborated Cory’s account with other protesters and news sources.)
Over the four days of demonstrations in Los Angeles, Cory says that the protesters experienced continual violence. As they took cover from pepper balls and chemical irritants fired by the sheriff’s department, he watched someone get hit in the head with a concussion grenade. A friend of his was struck by several pepper balls, fracturing her hand and leaving her bleeding on the sidewalk.
The impact on his mind and his body was immediate. “I couldn’t really sleep, I couldn’t really go out. My nervous system was so fucked that I couldn’t think straight.”
These symptoms are now a constant presence in his life. When he goes back to the locations where he’s experienced violence, his anxiety spikes. Loud noises send his heart racing. He has trouble concentrating and often finds himself dissociating.
“It was like being in a war zone,” he said. “Watching that happen, watching people get brutalized — it will never leave me.”
The nature of this ongoing violence — night after night, week after week — can make the path to healing complicated.
Ihotu Ali, a Minneapolis-based healer and organizer, says it may be impossible to completely recover from these experiences. “If you continuously break your leg … it’s never going to heal.”
When protesters turn to therapy for support, they can come away feeling even more traumatized. As both a community organizer and a mental health therapist in Los Angeles, psychotherapist Devon Young has seen it happen time and time again. “They’re experiencing trauma on the ground and then go to look for support from these experts,” she said. “But they might not find validation or recognition in that industry, which tends to overlook marginalized experiences. Not to mention barriers like money and health insurance.”
Thinking back on everything she’s been through, Velasquez knows there’s no turning back now. Her outrage has only grown over the past few months, amplified by the fact that it feels like the rest of the world has moved on.
“It’s been years of pain, years of people suffering at the hands of the system and on the streets,” she said. “If you can go back to normal after this, then you exhibit a privilege that I can only dream of.”
In the face of militarized policing and the continued deaths of Black people at the hands of police, Mullan acknowledges that many activists feel a need to stay on the front lines. But she stresses that community healing is just as important — and can even act as another form of resistance.
“We know the reason why they inflict this violence. They want to take us off the streets, to split us apart,” she said. “That’s why it’s deeply necessary for us to lean on each other for healing. Even as things are burning down around us, our communities become a form of home. We educate each other, take care of each other, support each other. It’s the opposite of what the system wants us to do. They don’t want us to come together.”
Instead of relying on systems that have consistently failed the most vulnerable in the protest community, Mullan encourages a shift toward community-based care. “Trust in the community, in the possibility for transformational restorative justice work, can be extremely healing for people who are on the front lines. Community can become a point of healing.”
Young echoes the need for a transformative shift in therapy for front-liners. “We need to build a better mental health infrastructure,” she said. “And it won’t come from the state. It needs to happen from within activist circles. We know the fight will continue and these traumas are going to occur. The best we can do is create support systems that are built by the people.”
For Velasquez and other dedicated protesters, stopping the fight for justice isn’t an option. The more the police try to drive them off the streets, they said, the more determined they are to stay.
“There’s something that stays with you after you’ve gone through something like this,” Velasquez said. “Even with everything that happened, I kept going.”
While her experiences left a deep emotional impact, she also remembers how the protesters kept their spirits up on the prison bus: singing songs, chanting protest slogans, pulling up each other’s masks, and finding ways to break free from the plastic cuffs. “We were all supporting each other,” she said. “And we weren’t quiet for one second.”
Even with the progress the movement has made over the past year, Velasquez can’t help but feel disillusioned with the system. Looking back on everything protesters have been through — and continue to go through — she says no amount of accountability or reform can make up for the impact of her experiences. But through community healing, she’s found a way forward.
“They’re not going to protect us,” she said. “But we can protect us.”
Julia Dupuis is a Los Angeles-based writer covering protest movements and police violence.
Test the kids.
It’s a situation nearly all parents have found themselves in at some point during this pandemic: There’s a positive Covid-19 case in your child’s class, so everyone needs to stay home and quarantine.
That means kids have to switch to remote instruction, if their school is even still offering a remote option. And parents, already ground down by more than 18 months of online or hybrid learning, have to miss work to care for their child, often for as long as 14 days. “Quarantines are incredibly disruptive,” Alyssa Bilinski, an assistant professor of health policy at the Brown School of Public Health, told Vox.
The alternative, however, isn’t great either: Some schools are simply allowing students to come to school if they’ve been exposed, with no precautions in place. This risks spreading the virus to kids and adults, with no way to track or control it.
It feels like one of those pandemic situations where there are no good options — except in this case, maybe there is one.
Schools in Utah, Massachusetts, and elsewhere have started using an approach called “test to stay,” where close contacts of a student who tests positive can still stay in school, as long as they get a daily negative test for a certain period of time. The approach has encouraging research behind it: A recent UK study found it was comparable to quarantines in terms of controlling infection rates in schools.
But it’s still not being used in many American districts. There are a lot of reasons for this, but one stands out: The US hasn’t truly embraced testing as a way to control the pandemic. And that’s what it has to do, many experts say, if schools and the rest of American society are to return to any semblance of normal.
Right now, if a student at a US school tests positive for Covid-19, here’s what typically happens: First, staff try to identify the student’s close contacts. Depending on the situation and the school’s protocols, that could range anywhere from kids who sat near the infected student to everyone in the classroom. Then those students are asked to quarantine, typically for 10 to 14 days.
This process changes if some of the students involved are vaccinated, and more than 50 percent of 12- to 17-year-olds now have at least one shot. But for families of students who can’t yet get vaccinated — those 11 and younger — quarantines are a familiar and stressful part of life. In Los Angeles, for example, 3,500 students were quarantined as close contacts in the first week of the school year alone.
Quarantines can interrupt kids’ learning, especially since many school districts have scaled back or even eliminated remote education this year. They can also interrupt parents’ work, a very real challenge for families already stretched thin by the demands of the pandemic. Moms, who have borne a disproportionate share of the burden of remote schooling, have left the labor force in high numbers since the pandemic began, and some say they can’t go back to work when it’s impossible to predict when they’ll need to care for a child in quarantine. Widespread quarantines can be “incredibly harmful to parents, especially women and mothers,” Bilinski said.
On the flip side, some districts have either done away with quarantine or made it optional, without putting anything in its place. This is especially concerning because those districts are likely to be in the same areas where masks are not required and vaccine rates are low.
Then there’s Massachusetts: The state adopted a test- to-stay protocol for participating districts at the beginning of the 2021–22 school year. If a student in those districts tests positive for Covid-19, close contacts of that student no longer have to automatically quarantine. Instead, they can continue coming to school, provided they take a rapid test each day for seven days. If they test positive or develop symptoms, they’ll need to quarantine. Otherwise, they don’t need to miss class.
Rapid tests have raised some concerns about accuracy, since they are not typically as sensitive as slower PCR tests. But many experts say testing daily is a way to alleviate those concerns. “If you’re having kids test every day, you may miss it one day and catch it the next day,” Joshua Salomon, a professor of medicine at Stanford, told Vox.
That’s still enough to limit spread, testing proponents believe. The UK study, published in the Lancet earlier this month, found that schools using a test-to-stay protocol had similar rates of symptomatic Covid-19 infection to those using quarantines. “Daily contact testing is a safe alternative to home isolation for school-based contacts,” the study’s authors wrote.
The approach is growing in popularity, with districts in Georgia, Illinois, and elsewhere offering test-to-stay or similar programs, according to the New York Times. New York City recently announced that it would implement weekly testing and relax quarantine rules, though it is not yet using daily tests as a substitute for quarantines. Schools in Utah have used a form of test-to-stay since the 2020–21 school year, and researchers credit the approach with keeping kids in school even during Covid’s winter surge. Just 0.7 percent of students tested positive as part of the protocols, which researchers estimate saved 109,752 student days of in-person instruction.
Overall, widespread quarantines “aren’t necessary if we know who is infectious and who is not infectious,” Bilinski said. “We don’t need to have that level of disruption in order to prevent further onward transmission.”
But many districts around the country have yet to adopt any form of test-to-stay and are sticking with the quarantine approach — or no approach at all.
Part of the reason is that the CDC has yet to endorse test-to-stay, citing a need for more research. That creates something of a chicken-and-egg situation. “Some schools that we’ve talked to have said, ‘We’re not going to embrace test-to-stay because the CDC doesn’t yet endorse it,’” Salomon said. But “the CDC is saying [it wants] to collect more data from schools that are doing this.” The result, for now, is inaction.
Then there’s the shortage of testing supplies. As anyone who’s tried to buy a rapid test at a drugstore in the last few weeks knows, the tests can be nearly impossible to come by. Some of the shortage is due to regulatory hurdles — the FDA has approved relatively few rapid tests, using what some argue are inappropriately high standards. The result is that prices are high and demand outstrips supply, with school districts, like ordinary people, sometimes struggling to get their hands on enough tests.
This is part of a bigger problem. In America, “A lot of people thought vaccines were going to take care of everything and that we wouldn’t need any kind of testing infrastructure,” Bilinski said. As a result, the country is far behind other countries such as Germany as well as the UK, where rapid tests are readily available and cheap, or even free. The availability of rapid testing in Germany, for example, allows people to keep the tests in their homes and administer them to visitors, and has helped day cares and other venues stay open.
But the problem in the US is far from insurmountable, experts say. Leadership from the CDC would be a start. “I’m hoping that the trial from the UK will add to the evidence base” and help sway the agency, Salomon said. Clearing regulatory hurdles to help more tests enter the market could help as well.
Schools also need help beyond buying supplies. Many schools don’t have the staff or space to administer tests on-site, and they’ll need either more people or access to outside testing resources. “Schools really do need logistical support in addition to financial support,” Salomon said.
Beyond that, the country needs to recognize that testing matters. For Salomon and Bilinski, who recently wrote an op-ed on the subject at Stat News, it’s not just about quarantines: It’s also about continuously monitoring schools to see what’s working and what isn’t, as well as ramping up interventions when cases are rising in a school and easing up on them when they (eventually) begin to go down. Ideally, they’d like regular testing not just of close contacts but also of all students, teachers, and staff.
In schools, “We kind of make very reactive decisions, and we make them in crisis mode, and we make them in real time,” Bilinski said. “Having data so that we can make them more deliberately and plan ahead would be helpful for thinking about a longer-term decision-making process in the context of Covid.”
But that process can happen only if we acknowledge that vaccines aren’t everything. We need a multilayered approach that includes testing if we want to go back to living — and learning — in person.
Can burning forests on our own terms help mitigate the damage?
1910’s Big Blow Up remains one of the most disastrous wildfires in US history. Hurricane-force winds fanned and threw embers for miles. Full, flaming trees became dangerous projectiles as they were reportedly torn from the ground. After two days, 3 million acres throughout Idaho and Montana had burned. The devastation had a lasting effect on the United States and shaped US forestry policy for the next century. But it also created a deep misunderstanding of what fire means to a forest.
A century of fire suppression has reshaped our forests. The floor is littered with material that is dense, dried, and dead. Now, climate change is highlighting why that’s a problem. Increasingly hot, dry weather has resulted in a longer, more dramatic wildfire season, and the forests are ready to ignite. The United States is struggling to keep up with the blazes year after year, so scientists and Indigenous people are pushing to bring back a centuries-old practice: burning the forests on our own terms, through prescribed burning.
You can find this video and all of Vox’s videos on YouTube.
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VanDamme: I’ll be Mozart.
Schwarzenegger: Stop it guys I’m not saying it.
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Last night, we tried pegging. He kept yelling 9. That’s the best I’ve ever done.
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But when a girl can’t find a guy’s penis, somehow that’s also the guy’s fault?
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“You,re the first defensive player ever to win the Heisman trophy, and no one can take that away from you.”
“….Unless, of course, you kill your wife and a waiter”
If you see your joke, by all means comment, but don’t repeat it, find another -he has thousands and thousands - I wanna get a good catalog of things i might have forgot
Edit - guys and gals. Thank you so much for sharing your jokes. I spent days rewatching every clips I’ve already watched a million times. But I’ve seen some deep cuts from the middle of a blown performance that I couldn’t hear without spending 12 hours a day
This is the best crowdsource I’ve ever witnessed. Thank you so much
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So I bought her nothing.
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